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Daniel D. Tompkins 

Class of ijgs 




BY JOHN B. PINE CQ CB £B RE- 
PRINTED FROM THE COLUMBIA UNIVER- 



SITY QUARTERLY 



DECEMBER, 1906 



r/ : 




DANIEL D. TOMPKINS 
Class of 1795 






DANIEL D. TOMPKINS 
Class of 1795 

FEW more striking instances of the self-made man can be found 
in the history of this country than the " farmer's boy " who 
was four times elected governor of the State of New York, and 
twice elected vice-president of the United States. The son of a 
Westchester farmer, born and bred on a farm, Daniel D. Tompkins 
was fully entitled to the popular sobriquet, which distinguished him 
during his political career from his more aristocratic rival, DeWitt 
Clinton, and his remarkable success was due in no small degree to 
the fact that he was a man of the people. His training for College, 
such as it was, he acquired between the furrows, and while he 
certainly inherited the spirit which distinguished his father, his 
patrimony consisted of little else but blood and brains. 

His ancestors came from the north of England and settled at 
Plymouth prior to 1640. His grandfather, Nathaniel Tompkins, 
removed in 1665 to Eastchester, of which he was one of the first 
proprietors, and his father, Jonathan G. Tompkins, combined farm- 
ing with public duties, serving throughout the Revolution as a 
member of the legislature, and also as a member of the State Con- 
vention that adopted the Declaration of Independence and the first 
constitution of the State. He was also a judge of the court of 

I 



2 Columbia University Quarterly [Dec. 

Common Pleas for many years and upon the creation of the State 
University, he was appointed one of the regents. Daniel was the 
seventh son of Judge Tompkins, and was born at Fox Meadows, 
now known as Scarsdale ( New York ) , on June 21,1 774. A bronze 
tablet commemorates his birth-place. 

Entering Columbia College in 1791, he graduated four years 
later with the highest honors. The estimate which he placed upon 
his college education may be inferred from a letter written twelve 
years after his graduation, when he was governor, strongly advis- 
ing a friend to send his son to college, urging that " the want of 
a more thorough classical education will, forever, keep him in the 
lowest and most contemptible grade of his profession." 

Among the voluminous papers which he left, and which years 
afterwards were purchased by the State, are several of his college 
essays, one of which, dated September 15, 1792, is entitled "On 
the necessity of establishing when young a character which we 
intend to support in after life and act always agreeably thereto." 
His own character showed itself early, and the alert mind, the 
indefatigable energy and the genial personality that marked him in 
college, were his prominent traits in later life. Two years after 
graduation he was admitted to the bar. Politics were his great 
interest, when a very young man, and, in 1801, he was elected a 
member of the Assembly and a delegate to the Constitutional Con- 
vention of that year. DeWitt Clinton, of the class of 1786, was 
the leader of the more numerous faction of the Republican party 
on the issue of the powers of the Council of Appointment, and 
Tompkins by his nerve and independence soon made himself the 
leader of the minority. For the next twenty years these two 
Columbia men were the most conspicuous figures in New York 
State politics. 

Alexander in his recently published work* portrays the situa- 
tion and the men. " The record of New York politics," he writes, 
" is a record of long and bitter contests between these chiefs of 
two antagonistic factions. What the struggle between Stalwarts 
and Half Breeds was to our time, the struggle between Clinton and 

* A political history of the State of New York, by Dr. .A.lva Stanwood 
Alexander, A.M., icx)6 



1906] Daniel D. Tompkins 3 

Tompkins was to our ancestors of two and three generations ago. 
Two men could hardly be more sharply contrasted — the one ai>- 
peared cold and reserved, the other most gracious and gentle; 
Clinton's self-confidence destroyed the fidelity of those who diflfered 
in opinion. Tompkins' urbanity disarmed their disloyalty. . . . 
Tompkins always firm and dignified, was aflfable in manner, sym- 
pathetic in speech, overflowing with good-nature, and unpretending 
to all who approached him. It used to be said that Tompkins made 
more friends in refusing favors than Clinton did in granting them. 
The two men also differed as much in personal appearance. Tomp- 
kins, shapely and above the ordinary height, had large full eyes, 
twinkling with kindness, a high forehead, wreathed with dark 
curly hair, and an oval face, easily and usually illuminated with 
a smile." Professor James Renwick, who was one of his College 
instructors, writes of Tompkins that " he had the faculty of never 
forgetting a name or face of any person with whom he had once 
conversed " ; and the author of the " National portrait gallery " 
describes him " as one of the most amiable, benevolent and true- 
hearted men who ever lived." 

Possessing these qualities and strong political ambition it is not 
remarkable that Tompkins's advancement was rapid. In 1804 he 
was elected to Congress, as a colleague of Dr. Samuel Latham 
Mitchill, A.M. (hon.) 1788, but resigned before the session began, 
in order to accept an appointment as associate justice of the Su- 
preme Court, to succeed James Kent upon his advancement as chief 
justice. As a judge he was known for his punctuality, his fidelity 
to duty, his careful consideration of every fact, however small, 
his strict impartiality, and for the justice of his decisions. Had he 
remained longer upon the bench, he would undoubtedly have gained 
great distinction as a jurist, but the three years during which he 
held judicial office so extended the popular regard in which he was 
held that in 1807, when only thirty-three years of age, he was 
nominated and elected governor of the State. The remarkable 
popularity which led to his election was due not only to his personal 
charm and happy faculty of dealing with people, nor to the fact, as 
Alexander expresses it, " that the qualities of fairness and fitness 
which Greek wisdom praised in the conduct of life were character- 
istic of his life," but also to his wide range of interests. 



4 Columbia University Quarterly [Dec. 

He was deeply interested in education, was one of the founders 
of the PubHc School Society, and urged upon the legislature the 
necessity of more ample provision by the State for schools. While 
governor he labored assiduously to bring about the establishment 
of Washington College on Staten Island, and no one can read his 
correspondence with Bishop Hobart on the subject, without being 
impressed with the earnestness of his convictions.* 

He was also a founder of the New York Historical Society, 
which owes its existence to a combination of Columbia and Prince- 
ton graduates ; and he was an enthusiastic Mason, holding the office 
of Grand Master of the Grand Lodge from 1820 to 1821. His 
broad humanitarian views are shown by his recommendation to 
the Legislature that capital punishment be abolished for all crimes 
except treason and murder, that whipping should be abolished as 
the penalty for petty larceny, and by his last recommendation as 
governor, in pursuance of which slavery was abolished in the State 
of New York on July 4, 1827. The bulky volumes of his cor- 
respondence, now in the State Library, show him to have been a 
man who might well say, with Terence, Hiiiiiani nihil a me alienum 
puto. 

When Tompkins was first elected governor, the relations of this 
country with Great Britain were greatly strained by the latter's 
impressment of American seamen, and before he was inaugurated 
England had published its orders in Council, forbidding all neutral 
trade with France; Napoleon had promulgated his Milan decree 
barring all neutral trade with England; and the Congress of the 
United States had ordered an embargo prohibiting all foreign bound 
American vessels from leaving United States ports. Tompkins 
was thus confronted with a serious crisis at the very outset of his 
administration. The feeling in New York against the embargo 
was especially strong, since New York was the greatest sufferer, 
but Tompkins stood loyally by the administration and pleaded for 
"a magnanimous confidence in the efforts of our national councils " 
and " for a firm unanimous determination to devote everything 
that is dear to us to maintain our right and national honor." The 
legislature and public opinion sustained the governor's views, but 

* History of Columbia University, p. 103 



1906] Daniel D. Tompkins 5 

it was not until he had been twice reelected, in 1810 and again in 
1813, upon the breaking out of the war with England, that Tomp- 
kins had opportunity to demonstrate the true quality of his patriot- 
ism and the extent of his capacity as an administrator. The crisis 
demanded both qualities in the governor of the State of New York, 
for the general government had neither men, money nor credit, and 
New York was the pivotal State. The whole country was in 
jeopardy, but it was evident from the outset that New York State 
must be the principal battlefield of the struggle, and that the State 
must to a great extent provide its own means of defence. 

Governor Tompkins urged the Legislature to advance the funds 
necessary to supply arms and put troops into the field, but the 
Federalists were in control and refused financial support. The 
New York banks also declined to make advances on United States 
Treasury notes. But Tompkins was indefatigable. His enthusi- 
asm inspired enthusiasm in others and by pledging his personal and 
official credit, he succeeded in securing advances of a million dollars. 
In these efforts the governor was nobly sustained by his political 
rival DeWitt Clinton, who, as mayor, induced the Common Council 
to borrow money on the credit of the city and loan it to the United 
States, raised a fund and erected fortifications for the defence of 
the city. It is interesting to note in passing that the students then 
in College organized a militia company, known from the color of 
their uniform as the " College Greens," and aided in building earth- 
works on Morningside Heights. 

Hugh Hastings, the State Historian, in his admirable preface 
to the "Military papers of Daniel D. Tompkins," published by the 
State under his editorship, epitomizes the services of Governor 
Tompkins, at this juncture, as follows : 

He was not only Governor of the State of New York, and 
commander of all the forces of the State, but paymaster, quarter- 
master, commissary, commander of the Third United States Mili- 
tary District and general disbursing agent for the State of New 
York and for the United States. During the three years of the 
war he disbursed more than three millions of dollars, of which 
one million was for the State and two millions were for the United 
States. In less than forty days, without assistance and money 



6 Columbia University Quarterly [Dec 

from the National Government, he mustered into the field at vari- 
ous points of danger in New York, 50,000 men who were organ- 
ized, armed and equipped; and in less than sixty days, when the 
credit of the National Government was absolutely gone, he raised 
$1,000,000 for the public service and made himself personally 
liable for the entire amount. 

On the strength of his personal credit, he advanced the money 
which kept up the Military Academy at West Point, and paid for 
the manufacture of arms in Springfield, and he continued the re- 
cruiting service in Connecticut, while the New England Federalists 
were not only withholding aid, but actually discussing in conven- 
tion at Hartford the withdrawal of the New England States from 
the Union. Tompkins was in truth, as Alexander calls him, " a 
great war governor. Among civilians most admired for their 
part in the struggle, Daniel D. Tompkins stood first." There can 
be no doubt that he was largely instrumental in bringing the conflict 
to a successful issue. 

In the spring of 1815, after peace had been proclaimed, he 
resigned the command of the Third Military District, to which 
he had been appointed at the outbreak of hostilities, and President 
Madison addressed to him a letter of thanks for his " patriotic, ac- 
tive, and able support given to the Government during the war." 

Before the close of the war President Madison invited Tomp- 
kins to become secretary of state, but the offer was declined, and in 
1816 the people of New York again reelected him to the governor- 
ship by a majority that attested his widespread popularity. " For 
the moment everyone seemed to be carried away by the fascination 
of the man," writes Alexander. " His friends asserted that he was 
always right and always successful : that patriotism had guided him 
through the long discouraging war, and that swayed neither by 
prejudice nor by the impulses of personal ambition, in every step 
he took and every measure he recommended, he was actuated by the 
most unselfish purpose. . . . Even Federalists ceased to be his 
critics . . . ." 

Higher honors were in store for him, and in April, 1816, he was 
elected vice-president of the United States, James Monroe being the 
newly chosen president. The office of vice-president, though more 



1906] Daniel D. Tompkins 7 

distinguished than that of governor, offered but few opportunities 
for the exercise of Tompkins's abiHties, and while he filled it with 
great dignity and with such satisfaction to his party that he was 
reelected for a second term, he does not appear to have impressed 
himself upon public affairs at Washington to any marked degree. 
His reelection to the vice-presidency occurred in 1820, and in the 
same year he was renominated for governor, but was defeated. He 
was elected, however, to the Constitutional Convention of 1821, 
and in a body remarkable for the ability of its members, which 
included John Jay, and his son Peter Augustus Jay, Rufus King, 
Nathan San ford, James Kent, Ambrose Spencer, and many others 
of unusual distinction, by a vote of sixteen to ninety-four Tomp- 
kins was chosen president. 

But the later years of Governor Tompkins were embittered by 
official injustice which was not rectified until long after his death, 
and presents a pathetic illustration of the ingratitude of republics. 
Charged by the State Comptroller with a shortage in his accounts, 
in connection with the War of 1812, amounting, as alleged, to 
$120,000, Tompkins claimed that there was a large amount due to 
him from the State. Both the legislature and Congress took ac- 
tion on his accounts, and President Monroe sent a special message 
to Congress recommending payment. Congressman AicLane in 
supporting the claims of the vice-president said on the floor of the 
House : " We all know that at a moment when others were hus- 
banding their funds or dealing them out with a very scanty hand, 
this man risked everything for the public cause and staked his 
private fortune in its support. It is to services thus rendered that 
his present embarrassment may be traced. In consequence of them 
he now calls on his country, not for charity but for justice." 

These views were fully shared by the great majority of his 
fellow-citizens, but none the less he was denied payment by the 
State. Judgments were entered against him for the moneys which 
he had advanced or made himself responsible for in carrying on 
the war, his household furniture was sold under execution, and his 
wife and infant child literally turned upon the street. Harassed 
by his creditors, mortified by his political reverses, and heart-broken 
by the injustice to which he was subjected, he died on June 1 1, 1825, 
in the fifty-first year of his age. 



8 Columbia University Quarterly [Dec. 

Years afterwards it was discovered that the State was debtor to 
Governor Tompkins to the amount of $92,000, and the payment of 
the debt has removed the only shadow from his memory, but justice 
so long deferred can hardly be deemed justice, and the treatment 
which he received from the State serves to bring into stronger 
relief the personal qualities which made him so beloved and admired 
as a man, and the unflinching patriotism and self-sacrificing devo- 
tion to the public weal, which mark him as the highest type of citi- 
zen. He lies in a forgotten and almost unknown grave in St. 
Mark's churchyard, but the monument which may sometime com- 
memorate his activity may fitly repeat the words of tlie historian, 
" His life was pure and noble ; he was a sincere lover of his country, 
a brave and often daring executive, a statesman of high purpose." 
Obscured as his name has been by the misfortunes of his later years, 
his alma mater may well give it a place among the highest on her 
roll of honor. 

John B. Pine 



Note: the portrait of governor tompkins which appears 

AS A frontispiece TO THIS ARTICLE IS A REPRODUCTION OF AN Oil, 
PAINTING PRESENTED TO THE UNIVERSITY BY WILLIAM W. TOMPKINS, 
ESQ., OF NEWPORT, RHODE ISLAND, A GRANDSON OF THE GOVERNOR. 



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